2021 Issue No. 35 /April
Table of Contents
1. Boris MUCHA: EVALUATION OF THE STATE OF IMPLEMENTATION OF THE EUROPEAN STRUCTURAL AND INVESTMENT FUNDS: CASE STUDY OF THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC
Today, Slovak Republic already has 20 years of experience in the management, implementation and control of European funds, which should be used in the next programming period 2021-2027, which represents cohesion policy post-2020. Preparedness and flexibility will be a prerequisite for a successful implementation of this programming period. In the context of expected changes and new rules, it is essential that the responsible national authorities are able to prepare not only the new Partnership Agreement and documents at strategic level in a timely manner, but also the operational programmes themselves, through which European Union policies will be implemented. In view of the above, the aim of the paper is to evaluate Slovakia´s state of preparedness for the next programming period 2021 – 2027 and propose recommendations to improve the management, implementation and control of the European Structural and Investment Funds. Research will mainly use a comparative analysis of selected financial indicators for the implementation of the completed programming period 2007-2013 and the ongoing 2014-2020 programming period. Theoretical knowledge and own practical experience in implementing and auditing European funds will also be used to achieve the objective.
- Keywords: European funds, management, implementation, programming period, financial indicator.
- DOI: 10.24193/OJMNE.2021.35.01
2. Tomasz KOWNACKI: Diagnosis the European Union’s Legitimacy Crisis – Demands for Changes
The European Union has been in the midst of legitimacy crisis for several years. The author of the article diagnoses difficulties connected with the scientific analysis of this issue, indicating its causes, which arise from discrepancies in the definition bases, which constitute the initial assumptions for the research conducted so far. The article proposes new approaches, points out the current theoretical perspectives of the research and the resulting possibilities of overcoming the legitimacy crisis of the European Union. It also proposes to anticipate models for the legitimacy of the European Union on the basis of a synthesis of existing ones. The article diagnoses the causes for the difficulties, in search for an antidote for the European Union’s legitimacy crisis.
- Keywords legitimacy, crisis, European Union, demands.
- DOI: 10.24193/OJMNE.2021.35.02
3. Rastislav FUNTA and Peter PLAVČAN: REGULATORY CONCEPTS FOR INTERNET PLATFORMS
Several internet platforms control the central interfaces of the internet and have acquired enormous economic and social importance. These internet platforms show tendencies towards monopoly and expansion. An analysis of various existing regulatory concepts clarifies limits with regard to the challenges in connection with internet platforms. This thesis deals with the phenomenon and problem areas of dominant internet platforms, examines whether these can be adequately countered by existing regulatory concepts and provides recommendations on how these could be better captured by the regulations. This thesis explores the question of how internet platforms are regulated today, i.e. which laws and private regulations currently apply. Correspondingly, specific regulatory concepts are examined in broad detail. The analysis starts with various self-regulation forms, followed by regulatory concepts under competition law, which are intended to ensure the functionality of competition. These are transformed into regulatory concepts for the protection of consumers and their data and finally into comprehensive state forms of regulation in connection with monopolies.
- Keywords: EU, Economic Background, Internet Platforms, Regulatory Concepts.
- DOI: 10.24193/OJMNE.2021.35.03
4. Anna WIERZCHOWSKA:DISAMANTLING OF THE SPITZENKANDIDATEN MECHANISM AFTER THE 2019 EUROPEAN ELECTIONS – FAILURE OF EU DEMOCRACY OR POLITICAL PRAGMATISM?
The introduction of a new method of electing the President of the European Commission in 2014, based on a specific interpretation of art. 17 of the TEU, has become a crucial event in the political life of the EU. In particular, the new method’s potential to strengthen democracy and the parliamentary nature of EU governance has been recognized. However, in reality, slightly different results have been produced. The Spitzenkandidaten mechanism turned out to be a formula based on immature solutions and electoral behavior and did not result in a clear reinforcement of the democratic factors of European integration. Instead, it has proved to be one of the expressions of inter-institutional rivalry, in which the intergovernmental European Council did not allow its competence for the appointment of the Head of the Commission to be diminished. The Commission itself, led by Jean-Claude Junker, in an attempt to exploit its „democratic” origins in 2014, has become more of a political than a managerial-administrative body. In 2019, the Spitzenkandidaten mechanism was not re-implemented, despite forced attempts of the European Parliament to do so. It seems that pragmatism has prevailed, with a clear goal – to protect one’s own prerogatives.
- Keywords: Spitzenkandidaten, European democracy, European Parliament, interinstitutional balance, European Commission.
- DOI: 10.24193/OJMNE.2021.35.04
5. Giorgian GUȚOIU: SPATIAL PATTERNS OF VOTING IN BUCHAREST AT THE EUROPEAN AND PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS OF 2019
In the present context of COVID 19 pandemic, the interlinkages between migration and health are once again on the international agenda. The relationship between migration and health is multifaceted and varies across migrant groups or individuals within groups. Sometimes, migration is driven by health issues, and in other cases the migration journey may worsen the health condition of the migrants and refugees, namely those migrating out of necessity. In Europe, the public health policies insufficiently address the health problems of the migrants, especially for displaced persons and irregular migrants. The impact of lockdowns and various socio-economic restrictions on the most vulnerable labour force are being investigated nowadays, and the SDG principle “no one is left behind” is seriously challenged. The article aims to reveal several traits of the present health crisis and its impact on migrants and refugees, the vulnerabilities exacerbated by the crisis, and to identify potential measures to be taken by host countries in order to reduce the negative impact.
- Keywords: Romanian European election 2019, presidential election, electoral geography, Bucharest.
6. Lluís MAS-MANCHÓN, Nora Inka BIERMANN, Frederic GUERRERO-SOLÉ and David BADAJOZ-DÁVILA: EUROPEAN COMMISSION’S IDENTITY DURING BREXIT: A COMMUNICATION STRATEGY CHANGE ON TWITTER
The European Union (EU) was founded to promote peace, prosperity and other values between an increasing number of member states (European Commission, 2001). However, Brexit has activated a reputation crisis that reinforces Euroscepticism (Börzel; Risse, 2018). The objective of the study is to identify the differences in the semantic construction and thematic framing of the European Commission during a two-year period, previous to Brexit and after Brexit, on a sample of 4827 tweets posted by the European Commission. Findings show that in the period before Brexit, the EU is presented as an abstract political body, highly informative on major crisis, and reactively framing messages with values responsibility and solidarity. After Brexit, the EC adapted its communication strategy to foster a sense of belonging to the EU by underlining a common transnational European identity. These results show that EU is using Twitter strategically, and their communications as well as framings, values and lexicon have been different before and after Brexit on Twitter. This might apply to other channels as well.
- Keywords: European Commission; Brexit; Political Communication; Euroscepticism; Framing Analysis; Social Media.
7. Radu ALBU COMĂNESCU: PRIVATE DIPLOMACY INITIATIVES AND INTERNATIONAL NETWORKS IN THE 1920s-1940s ROMANIA
Based on private and official archives, the text focuses on the background, the diplomatic and paradiplomatic activity of three princely, intertwined Romanian families: Bibesco, Ştirbey and Brancovan. Heirs to the throne of Wallachia before the arrival of the Hohenzollern monarchs in 1866, these families developed powerful diplomatic, economic and cultural networks in France, Belgium, Britain, Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary conferred influence at home and in various European circles. With solid foundations built since the 1850s, they helped shaping Romania’s diplomacy in the first half of the 20th century and contributed to the country’s pro-European attitude of the 1920s-1930s. Evolving between European capitals and the US, on friendly terms with royalty, high-ranking politicians (Churchill, Roosevelt, Ramsay MacDonald, Léon Blum, Aristide Briand and various French presidents), diplomats and intellectuals (from Louise Weiss, Saint-John Perse, Duff Cooper and Paul Morand to Harold Nicolson, Paul Valéry and Wladimir d’Ormesson), industrialists and bankers, the three families promoted ideas or granted support to initiatives that anchored Romania in the West and enforced European cooperation. The text refers to the personal and professional profiles of prince Antoine Bibesco (d. 1951), of his wife, Elisabeth (née Asquith), of George III, Prince Bibesco (d. 1941), of Michael-Constantine (Bibesco) Prince Bassaraba de Brancovan (d. 1967), and last but not least, of Barbo, Prince Stirbey (d. 1946).
- Keywords: Private Diplomacy, Cultural Diplomacy, Negotiations, International Relations, Interwar Europe.