{"id":2006,"date":"2018-12-19T07:54:22","date_gmt":"2018-12-19T07:54:22","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/?page_id=2006"},"modified":"2022-07-15T15:49:38","modified_gmt":"2022-07-15T15:49:38","slug":"issue-no-28","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/?page_id=2006","title":{"rendered":"Issue No. 28"},"content":{"rendered":"<h2><div class=\"su-heading su-heading-style-default su-heading-align-center\" id=\"\" style=\"font-size:13px;margin-bottom:20px\"><div class=\"su-heading-inner\">2018 Issue No. 28 \/December<\/div><\/div><\/h2>\n<hr>\n<h3>Table of Contents<\/h3>\n<hr>\n<p>1. <strong>Valentin NAUMESCU and Margriet KRIJTENBURG<\/strong>: <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/1.pdf\">EDITORIAL: THE REFORM OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES<\/a><\/p>\n<div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\">\n<div id=\"articleAbstract\">\n<p><strong>Abstract:<\/strong><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords: <\/strong>European Union, crisis, reform, challenges, opportunities.<\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/1.pdf\">10.24193\/OJMNE.2018.28.01&nbsp;<\/a><\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/div><\/div>\n<hr>\n<p>2. <strong>Margriet KRIJTENBURG<\/strong>: <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/2.pdf\">EUROPE, DARE TO BE YOURSELF! FOUNDING PRINCIPLES AS GUIDELINES FOR EU TODAY AND TOMORROW: SCHUMAN\u2019S FRAME OF REFERENCE<\/a><\/p>\n<div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\">\n<div id=\"articleAbstract\">\n<p><strong>Abstract:&nbsp;<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>We know some of the new challenges that divide this family of nations, but what once brought them together? Given today\u2019s rumblings of discontent, it is worthwhile to reflect on the founding principles of the European Union, for they are still capable of uniting Europe and bringing it to prosperity. The European unification project started in 1950 with the objective of achieving peace and security on a devastated continent. A flourishing economy was seen as a means to an end. Implementing this political integration project would lead to peace, make states interdependent and thereby war impossible. The main architect of this project, Robert Schuman, highlighted four key principles to guide unification: a) reconciliation b) effective solidarity, c) subsidiarity, and d) supra-nationality. Schuman hoped to see the unification of Western, Central, and Eastern Europe realised as soon as possible. Borders should become lines of communication rather than rigid lines of separation. Above all, Europe needed a soul. Today\u2019s crises can be partly explained by Schuman\u2019s frame of reference in which the person is at the heart of the economy, technology, and politics and not the other way around. Schuman\u2019s key principles can contribute in a crucial way to solve crises and strengthen the ties between the European countries and beyond.<\/em><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords: <\/strong>Schuman, frame of reference, heritage, common good.<\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/2.pdf\">10.24193\/OJMNE.2018.28.02<\/a><\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"articleSubject\">&nbsp;<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n<div>\n<hr>\n<p>3.<strong> L\u00e9once BEKEMANS and Victoria MART\u00cdN DE LA TORRE<\/strong>: <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/3.pdf\">ROBERT SCHUMAN\u2019S CONCEPT OF \u201cEUROPEAN COMMUNITY\u201d: WHAT LESSONS FOR EUROPE\u2019S FUTURE?<\/a><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\">\n<div id=\"articleAbstract\">\n<p><strong>Abstract:<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>The European Union faces an existential crisis and for the first time there is a risk of dis-integration and growing nationalism. Despite the motto \u201cunited in diversity\u201d, diversity is often perceived as a threat. This study argues that revisiting the concept of \u201cCommunity\u201d in the Founding Fathers could give new impulse to the integration process and would allow for a reformulation of Europe\u2019s future based on the original principles and values. The human-centred political project of the Founding Fathers can be epitomised in Robert Schuman\u2019s definition of \u201cCommunity\u201d.<\/em><br \/>\n<em>It is argued that the Social Teaching of the Catholic Church and Communitarian Personalism are the main sources of spiritual and intellectual inspiration for Robert Schuman, clearly reflected in his thinking and writing. Several texts by Schuman are analysed to identify the main features of Schuman\u2019s \u201cEuropean Community\u201d. This study argues that the \u201cCommunity\u201d requires a certain mind-set that can only be achieved through personal encounters and specific policies aimed at promoting trust and mutual understanding among the peoples of Europe.<\/em><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords: <\/strong>European Community, Robert Schuman, personalism, intercultural dialogue.<\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/3.pdf\">10.24193\/OJMNE.2018.28.03<\/a><\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/div><\/div>\n<hr>\n<p>4. <strong>Mircea Teodor MANIU<\/strong>: <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/4.pdf\">ON ROMANIA\u2019S CROOKED JOURNEY TOWARDS EURO<\/a><\/p>\n<div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\">\n<div id=\"articleAbstract\">\n<p><strong>Abstract:<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>This research is focused on the auspices of adopting Euro in the present day economic, social and political junctures of Romania. Starting with the analysis of the economic outlook after the moment of fulfilling the prerequisite macroeconomic criteria, the approach is developed in a particular manner towards the assessment of the domestic social and political conditional ties that are contextually relevant, from a political economy angle, with inflexions towards the current positioning of the domestic political deciding factors. Except for a batch of remarks concerning convergence, the paper does not deal with the specific econometrics of Euro adoption, such as business cycle synchronization or any of the optimum currency area present day debates. Instead it attempts to serve the Euro adoption cause in the predictable future, given the lessons hopefully learned during the years 2015-2016 when Romania was indeed within the Euro compliance margins, but for various reasons never considered taking advantage of this peculiar window of opportunity. Seen from this perspective, combining endogenous with exogenous arguments, mainly of social and cultural consistence, the research is moreover a professional awareness bell for various categories of stakeholders, than an attempt to suggest any sort of normative policy blueprint for such a manifold process as Euro adoption seems to be in this country.<\/em><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords: <\/strong>Macroeconomics, Euro adoption, Romanian economic environment, Social and cultural factors, Economic policy.<\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/4.pdf\">10.24193\/OJMNE.2018.28.04<\/a><\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<hr>\n<p>5. <strong>Raluca MOLDOVAN<\/strong>: <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/5.pdf\">TOWARDS A COMMON EUROPEAN UNION IMMIGRATION POLICY:&nbsp;NAVIGATING A DIFFICULT OBSTACLE COURSE<\/a><\/p>\n<div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\">\n<div id=\"articleAbstract\">\n<p><strong>Abstract:<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>The following article focuses on the various attempts that have been carried out to reform the migration and asylum legislation of the European Union. It examines the current perceptions about migration following the 2015-2016 migration and refugee crisis, and then briefly traces the historical evolution of the current legal framework on migration and asylum. My aim is to show how this evolution has reached the point where any attempts to reform the system are primarily driven by security, rather than humanitarian considerations, which makes consensus on any contentious issue very difficult to achieve, a fact highlighted in the third section of the present contribution. The conclusions discuss the limited scope of the latest attempt to overhaul the existing immigration framework, arguing that EU member states are still reluctant to transfer decision-making responsibilities to the supranational level regarding what they consider a matter crucial to their national sovereignty.<\/em><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords:&nbsp;<\/strong>European Union, immigration and asylum policies, migration crisis, securitisation.<\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/5.pdf\">10.24193\/OJMNE.2018.28.05&nbsp;<\/a><\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"articleSubject\">&nbsp;<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n<hr>\n<p><strong>&nbsp;<\/strong>6. <strong>Romana Emilia CRAMARENCO<\/strong>: <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/6.pdf\">THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC IMPACT OF THE REFUGEES ON EUROPE.&nbsp;COSTLY ON THE SHORT TERM, BENEFICIAL ON THE LONG RUN?<\/a><\/p>\n<div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\">\n<div id=\"articleAbstract\">\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>We witness an unprecedented Age of Migration, with massive inflows of refugees in search for survival, escaping conflict and persecution in their home communities. In the last two years, migration as a whole, and asylum and border management in particular, were put under severe pressure, with a relevant input given by media coverage in Europe, often portraying refugees as main source of instability in EU &#8211; \u201cmarginalization makes them easy targets for scapegoating by far right parties, which have gained increasing support throughout Europe by exploiting fears and inciting resentment\u201d (Rudiger and Spencer, 2003: 12). Member States seemed unable to respond effectively to such crisis. The latest influx of newcomers reopened the debates on border controls and humanitarian aid, but also on the social and economic challenges that need to be addressed. The article investigates the socio-economic impact of the refugees in EU, with a focus on the costs and benefits, starting from the assumption that the short and medium term costs will be shadowed by the long term benefits.<\/em><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords:<\/strong> refugees, migration of third country nationals, migration out of choice, migration out of necessity, cost-benefit analysis.<\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/6.pdf\">10.24193\/OJMNE.2018.28.06<\/a><\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<hr>\n<\/div>\n<p>7. <strong>Hans Bastiaan VAN DEN BERG<\/strong>: <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/7.pdf\">THE ROLE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ON THE CHESSBOARD OF GREAT POWER POLITICS<\/a><\/p>\n<div id=\"articleAbstract\">\n<div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\">\n<div id=\"articleAbstract\">\n<p><strong>Abstract:<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>The European Union can be considered as the triumph of liberal institutionalism. However, the international community only seems to understand a realist rhetoric. It is therefore questionable to what extend the EU needs to move towards a more realistic outward perspective rather than its current liberal institutionalist. To understand the extent of this necessity three cases studies have been conducted to identify windows of opportunity in policy areas where the Union is currently fragmented. At the same time these situations expose the necessity for the EU to take on a stance which is more pragmatic and oriented on the protecting and promotion of its interests. The dependency of the Union\u2019s members on Russian energy offers an opportunity to further integrate the single market and build a more stable relationship. The issues surrounding NATO membership and the current U.S. approach are discussed to further explore possibilities for a more autonomous EU military and further harmonisation and integration of the Unions Defence and Security policies. By exploring these subjects, a conclusion is drawn that the EU is in a position where it can harmonise its internal liberal institutionalist perspective with an outward realist position to withstand the international power struggle.<\/em><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords:&nbsp;<\/strong>Defence, Integration, Europe-Russia-U.S., Energy.<\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/7.pdf\">10.24193\/OJMNE.2018.28.07<\/a><\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"articleSubject\">&nbsp;<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n<div>\n<hr>\n<\/div>\n<p><strong>&nbsp;<\/strong>8. <strong>Martijn LAK<\/strong>:&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/8.pdf\">HOW TO DEAL WITH THE GERMAN MENACE? WEST GERMAN REARMAMENT, PROPOSALS FOR A COMMON EUROPEAN ARMY, AND THE DUTCH AND WEST GERMAN RESPONSE, 1949-1955<\/a><\/p>\n<div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\">\n<div id=\"articleAbstract\">\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>At the end of the 1940s and the early 1950s, the question whether or not to rearm West Germany was a fiercely and hotly debated topic in Europe. The Americans suggested doing this by integrating the Federal Republic in NATO. However, many Europeans feared the resurgence of German militarism. Nowhere was this more true than in France. Therefore, the French Foreign Minister Ren\u00e9 Pleven launched the so-called Pleven Plan, designed to allow West German units to be established, but only in small units. That way, Europe could profit from West Germany\u2019s manpower, without the country becoming a military threat. Discussions on the European Defence Community were tough, but in the end was signed by the six Founding Fathers. The Dutch did so reluctantly, especially because the Americans were left out, favouring security arrangements in NATO and rearming and incorporating West Germany in the Western alliance. To the Netherlands, it was essential to incorporate the British and especially the Americans in the Western defense; the Dutch always favoured an Atlantic alliance, opposing too much supranationality in the European integration project. The Federal Republic of Germany on the other hand, saw it as an opportunity to regain sovereignty. In the end, the French National Assembly did not ratify the EDC-Treaty, opening the way to rearming West Germany and making it a full member of NATO.<\/em><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords:&nbsp;<\/strong>The Netherlands, West Germany, West German rearmament, NATO, Pleven Plan, EDC.<\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<\/strong><a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/8.pdf\"><strong>10.24193\/OJMNE.2018.28.08<\/strong><\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<div id=\"articleAbstract\">\n<div>\n<hr>\n<\/div>\n<p>9. <strong>Edi PUKA and Dilina BESHIRI<\/strong>: <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/9.pdf\">POLITICAL AND SOCIAL PARTICIPATION OF ITALIAN WOMEN IN THE EUROPEAN CONTEXT<\/a><\/p>\n<div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\">\n<div id=\"articleAbstract\">\n<p><strong>Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>Politics is a field in which the female presence is still very scarce; however, women having attended political positions, as head of governments, have left their marks as to be nicknamed iron ladies. The relationship of women with politics continues to be discussed and is increasingly addressed as a democracy rather than women problem. Although the Italian women have acquired political rights in the last century, they have not been able to participate to a large extent in representative political institutions. The purpose of this article is to analyze the reasons for this phenomenon, and whether it is linked to representation crisis and socio-cultural factors. It is a question of raising public awareness on this issue, and of changing a political culture which even today considers man to be the legitimate protagonist of the State management.<\/em><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords:&nbsp;<\/strong>Italian women; politics; leadership; vote; human rights.<\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<\/strong><a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/9.pdf\"><strong>10.24193\/OJMNE.2018.28.09<\/strong><\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"articleAbstract\">\n<hr>\n<p>10. <strong>Ioana CONSTANTIN-BERCEAN<\/strong>: <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/10.pdf\">A NUCLEAR TEST FOR DIPLOMACY: IRAN AND THE (NEW) EU-US SANCTIONS DEBATE<\/a><\/p>\n<div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\">\n<div id=\"articleAbstract\">\n<p><strong>Abstract:&nbsp;<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>Europe and Iran have had important political, cultural and commercial relations that date back several centuries, but these relations have been steadily strained since 2002 when the uncertainty with regard to Iran\u2019s nuclear program became an issue of international concern. In the attempt to demonstrate its role as an important foreign policy actor capable of taking the lead in resolving a global crisis, through the leadership of France, United Kingdom and Germany (EU3) the European Union spearheaded efforts to obtain a solution to the deadlock between Tehran and the international community over Iran\u2019s nuclear program. Nowadays, after the nuclear agreement with Iran was sealed, the EU can move beyond its exclusive nuclear focus with Iran, and shift to a relationship based on engagement, not containment. However, this goal encounters an unforeseen obstacle: the new American Administration, who wants to shift the US policy on Iran toward aggressive containment and away from the diplomatic openings created by the precedent one. Therefore, it looks that the divide between Europe and the US is set to deepen over Iran, as long as the Trump Administration\u2019s heated rhetoric and actions will continue. The EU made it clear, through its High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy statements that it will continue to support the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. Furthermore, the European leaders understood that a constructive relationship between Iran and the EU is essential for the latter, and it could help to achieve its common security and defense objectives while safeguarding its commercial and energy interests. This article aims to present the relation between Europe Union and Iran post-JCPOA and the European agenda on Iran and to explain how and whether the nuclear agreement could become the reason of a European-American cleavage.<\/em><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords:<\/strong>European Union, Iran, Constructive Engagement, Nuclear Deal\/JCPOA, European Union Global Strategy.<\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/10.pdf\">10.24193\/OJMNE.2018.28.10<\/a><\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"articleSubject\">&nbsp;<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n<div>\n<hr>\n<p>11.<strong> Oana POIAN\u0102 and Andreea STRETEA<\/strong>: <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/07\/11.pdf\">\u201cBREXITOLOGY\u201d: A STORY OF RENEGOTIATIONS, REFERENDUMS AND BREGRETS\u201d?<\/a><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\">\n<div id=\"articleAbstract\">\n<p><strong>Abstract:<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>The United Kingdom\u2019s path inside the European Union can be defined as a roller-coaster ever since its first years <a tabindex=\"-1\" href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/11.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/\u202618\/12\/11.pdf<\/a>as a member state a Member States. As BREXIT talks are touching key issues such as the unity and prosperity of the European Union, this article seeks to analyze BREXIT through a comparison between the two referendum campaigns UK held, first in 1975 &#8211; two years after joining the Union \u2013 and then in 2016. Although not entirely a mirror image of Wilson\u2019s strategy, Cameron\u2019s decision to hold a referendum followed the same line of thinking but within a completely different political and economic context.<\/em><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords:&nbsp;<\/strong>Brexit, United Kingdom, referendum, \u201cbrexitology\u201d, \u201cbregrets\u201d.<\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/11.pdf\">10.24193\/OJMNE.2018.28.11<\/a><\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/div><\/div>\n<hr>\n<p>12. <strong>Frank VAN HELMOND<\/strong>:&nbsp;<a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/12.pdf\">SME: CULTURAL SCOPE OF EUROPEAN ECONOMY. AN ESSAY ON THE STRENGTH AND OPPORTUNITIES OF ENTERPRISE EUROPEAN STYLE REFLECTED FROM ITS CULTURAL PROFILE<\/a><\/p>\n<div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\">\n<div id=\"articleAbstract\">\n<p><strong>Abstract:<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>This paper is about entrepreneurship European style and European economy as a culture, by means of a theoretical model that is constructed of the distinctive features of Small and Medium Enterprise (SME). This is not a quantitative but a qualitative model, stemming from historical experience, that can be considered as a visionary image of the future form of European economy and its position in the globalising world. Based on such a forecast a back-casting analysis can be developed: a problem-solving-oriented analysis of the extremely complex crisis where the European Union finds itself in at present. The cultural identity as well as the success of the economy European style lays in the incalculable risk factor of the human involvement in the enterprise, that in the neo-liberal shares-value oriented economy is systematically factored out; involvement of man, not just as \u2018manpower\u2019 (knowledge and labour force), but the central presence of man as such, determining the whole of the organisation by \u2018proximity\u2019.<\/em><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords:<\/strong>polycrisis, European economic culture, SME cultural model of enterprise, proximity, EU a social project.<\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/12\/12.pdf\">10.24193\/OJMNE.2018.25.12<\/a><\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Table of Contents 1. Valentin NAUMESCU and Margriet KRIJTENBURG: EDITORIAL: THE REFORM OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES 2. Margriet KRIJTENBURG: EUROPE, DARE TO BE YOURSELF! FOUNDING PRINCIPLES AS GUIDELINES FOR EU TODAY AND TOMORROW: SCHUMAN\u2019S FRAME OF REFERENCE 3. L\u00e9once BEKEMANS and Victoria MART\u00cdN DE LA TORRE: ROBERT<a class=\"read-more\" href=\"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/?page_id=2006\"> ( more&#8230; )<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-2006","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/2006","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=2006"}],"version-history":[{"count":7,"href":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/2006\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2348,"href":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/2006\/revisions\/2348"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=2006"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}