{"id":2658,"date":"2026-04-28T07:26:59","date_gmt":"2026-04-28T07:26:59","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/?page_id=2658"},"modified":"2026-04-28T07:26:59","modified_gmt":"2026-04-28T07:26:59","slug":"issue-no-50","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/?page_id=2658","title":{"rendered":"Issue No. 50"},"content":{"rendered":"<h2><div class=\"su-heading su-heading-style-default su-heading-align-center\" id=\"\" style=\"font-size:13px;margin-bottom:20px\"><div class=\"su-heading-inner\"> 2026 Issue No. 50 \/ April <\/div><\/div><\/h2>\n<p><strong>1. Simant Shankar BHARTI, PhD <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/1.-SB-OJMNE-APRILIE-2026-6-22.pdf\"><span style=\"color: #0000ff;\">THE EU&#8217;S ACTORNESS IN THE LIBERAL INTERNATIONAL ORDER (LIO): AN IMPLICATION FOR THE INDO-PACIFIC REGION<\/span><\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\"> <em>In the last five years, the world has seen dramatic and turbulent changes in the geopolitical landscape, which have also challenged the LIO. A significant geopolitical shift has been observed, altering the European Union\u2019s (EU) domestic and international politics, particularly following the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine. Traditionally, the EU&#8217;s actorness is mainly known for its norms and values-based foreign policy roles in the LIO. The study&#8217;s main aim is to assess the EU\u2019s actorness, which has been frequently questioned and tested after recent developments in the international arena. It then examines how the concepts of purpose, legitimacy, and recognition<\/em><br \/>\n<em>shape the EU&#8217;s actorness towards the Indo-Pacific, a region that has emerged as a politically contested arena for major actors. The puzzle lies in narrowing the literature gaps: What kind of acting capabilities does the EU have? Is the EU&#8217;s actorness having similar transactions in the Indo-Pacific region? The EU is concerned about maintaining a free and open Indo-Pacific.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords: European Union; Liberal International Order; actorness; international relations; Indo-Pacific.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<\/strong> 10.24193\/OJMNE.2026.50.01<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<hr \/>\n<p><strong>2. Filip TERESZKIEWICZ, PhD, Karolina CZABANOWSKA, PhD candidate <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/2.-FT-OJMNE-APRILIE-2026-23-39.pdf\"><span style=\"color: #0000ff;\">SECURITY AND CROSS-BORDER COOPERATION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: A STUDY OF POLISH B-SOLUTION CASES<\/span><\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\"> <em>The article analyses Polish cases reported under the EU b-solutions initiative, focusing on barriers to cross-border cooperation affecting local security. Although the programme was not originally designed as a security policy tool, the conducted study of seven cases from the Polish border regions demonstrates its potential in this area. Problems identified included inconsistent regulations, lack of coordination of emergency services and limitations in access to health services and infrastructure. The article is a contribution to the debate on decentralisation, resilience <\/em><em>and multi-level governance, highlighting the role of local governments in addressing systemic barriers. B-solutions appear as an effective tool for identifying problems in the EU periphery and promoting territorial integration in the context of social, health and environmental security.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords: cross-border security; cross-border cooperation; b-solutions initiative; local government; institutional resilience; European Union.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<\/strong> 10.24193\/OJMNE.2026.50.02<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<hr \/>\n<p><strong>3. Tamara KOZAK, PhD, Oleg FYLYK, PhD, Oksana KRAYEVSKA, PhD FACTORS, <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/3.OK-OJMNE-APRILIE-2026-40-66.pdf\">FACTORS, FEATURES AND CONSEQUENCES OF LANGUAGE COMPETITION AND THE INTERCONNECTION BETWEEN LANGUAGE AND POLITICS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: A CASE STUDY ON THE EU<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\"> <em>This article explores the multidimensional interaction between language and politics in the field of international<\/em><br \/>\n<em>relations, with a focus on language competition and the political role of multilingualism within the European Union <\/em><em>(EU). The relevance of the topic stems from the growing role of communication in international politics and the tension <\/em><em>between official multilingualism and the de facto dominance of English as a global instrument of political and diplomatic <\/em><em>influence. The study argues that language policy is not merely an administrative or cultural matter but, above all, a political <\/em><em>tool that reflects the balance of power, identity, and legitimacy \u2013 including at the supranational level. The aim of the article <\/em><em>is to analyze the relationship between language and politics in international relations through the prism of transactional <\/em><em>and discursive dimensions of interlingual interaction, as well as to examine the hierarchization of languages and linguistic <\/em><em>stratification within the EU. The research covers the theoretical foundations of interlingual dynamics, the institutional <\/em><em>factors shaping EU language policy, and the practical manifestations of its implementation. The findings demonstrate that<\/em><br \/>\n<em>the principle of linguistic equality, as declared in the EU\u2019s normative documents, is in practice gradually transforming <\/em><em>into functional monolingualism, driven by pragmatic communication needs and the geopolitical advantage of the English <\/em><em>language. This creates a linguistic hierarchy that influences the political positioning of EU member states and limits the <\/em><em>potential of less prestigious languages. The conclusions highlight the contradictions between symbolic multilingualism and <\/em><em>the actual unification of the EU\u2019s linguistic space. These contradictions necessitate a rethinking of language policy as a <\/em><em>key factor in integration, democratic representation, and cultural equality within international institutions.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords: multilingualism; language policy; EU; international relations; English language.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<\/strong> 10.24193\/OJMNE.2026.50.03<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<hr \/>\n<p><strong>4. Hrustan \u0160I\u0160I\u0106, PhD, Sumka BU\u010cAN, PhD Candidate<span style=\"color: #0000ff;\"><a style=\"color: #0000ff;\" href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/4.-HS-67-85.pdf\"> STRATEGIC ALIGNMENTS AND GEOPOLITICAL TENSIONS: THE BALKAN<\/a><\/span><br \/>\n<span style=\"color: #0000ff;\"><a style=\"color: #0000ff;\" href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/4.-HS-67-85.pdf\">THEATRE IN THE RUSSO-WESTERN POWER PLAY\u00a0<\/a><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\"> <em>This paper investigates the contemporary geopolitical struggle for influence in the Balkans between the Western powers and Russia. It discusses the implications of geopolitical dynamics for regional stability and international relations, emphasising the strategic use of diplomacy by Russia and Western actors, their economic investments and soft power in the Western Balkans. The evolution of European Union and NATO policies towards the Balkans <\/em><em>reflect the wider goals of integrating the region into Western political and economic structures while the Russian strategic manoeuvres revolve around using the region\u2019s political vulnerability and maintaining strategic ties with its counterparts in the region with whom they share ideological and religious ties. This paper seeks to reveal the initiatives, tools and resources used by the opponents to exert influence in the Western Balkans.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords: Balkans; influence; deterrence; West; Russia; USA; EU; UK.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<\/strong> 10.24193\/OJMNE.2026.50.04<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<hr \/>\n<p><strong>5. Maxim ROZUMNY, PhD, Igor GRYNIV, PhD <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/5.-MR-OJMNE-APRILIE-2026-86-104.pdf\">PUBLIC DEMAND FOR CHARISMATIC LEADERSHIP IN UKRAINE<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\"> <em>Political leadership remains a key factor in social transformations associated with the transition of newly <\/em><em>independent states to democracy and the formation of sustainable state institutions. In both processes, the legitimacy of the <\/em><em>government, which initiates transformations and directs national development, is of great importance. <\/em><em>For Weber, the legitimacy of government is ensured in three ways: traditional, rational-legal, or charismatic. Charismatic <\/em><em>leadership is one of the most common ways of overcoming the difficulties of the transition period in new states. Its feature <\/em><em>is a high degree of trust in the head of state or other national leader due to belief in his extraordinary abilities and unique <\/em><em>mission.The theory of political charisma had been developed during the 1960s-1990s, mainly in the framework of the <\/em><em>functional approach. This approach determined the main criteria of charismatic leadership, the conditions for its <\/em><em>emergence, and the evolution of charisma in its routinization. The extent to which external factors condition charisma <\/em><em>remains quite debatable. Since most studies concern a charismatic leader&#8217;s personality and psychological and behavioral <\/em><em>characteristics, the problem of public demand for charisma remains insufficiently revealed. This study aims to provide <\/em><em>empirical arguments to answer the question of what is primary, the demand for charisma or its offer. Professional <\/em><em>sociologists from &#8220;SOCIS&#8221; group (Kyiv, Ukraine) studied the perception of Ukrainian society of images of leading <\/em><em>politicians (presidents and presidential candidates) according to the criteria of compliance with the charismatic type of <\/em><em>leadership. The main conclusion from the study is that under certain conditions, society endows all possible virtues of a <\/em><em>leader entrusted with the function of charismatic leadership. This high assessment of the leader&#8217;s characteristics and trust <\/em><em>in his good intentions (mission) is irrational due to the need to solve this community&#8217;s fundamental tasks.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords: charisma; leadership; trust; newly independent states.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<\/strong> 10.24193\/OJMNE.2026.50.05<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<hr \/>\n<p><strong>6. Liudmyla HOLUBNYCHA, Tetyana KOSHECHKINA, Hanna YERMAKOVA\u00a0 <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/6.-LH-OJMNE-APRILIE-2026-105-126.pdf\"><span style=\"color: #0000ff;\">UKRAINIAN UNIVERSITIES AS POLITICAL RESISTANCE AND STATE-BUILDING DRIVERS DURING WARTIME<\/span><\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\"><em> This article investigates the role of Ukrainian universities as a driver of political resistance and statebuilding <\/em><em>during wartime, with a focus on the case of Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University. Drawing on theoretical <\/em><em>perspectives of political resistance and state-building, the study positions universities as pivotal actors in sustaining <\/em><em>national sovereignty, institutional legitimacy, and civic resilience amid armed aggression. The concepts of \u201cpolitical <\/em><em>resistance\u201d and \u201cstate-building\u201d are adapted to reflect the wartime context, emphasizing not only governance structures <\/em><em>but also the defence of cultural, intellectual, and educational autonomy. Six key functions of Ukrainian universities <\/em><em>are identified: as a symbol of sovereignty, a mechanism for state legitimization, a site of informational resistance, a <\/em><em>platform for international visibility, a domain of adaptive governance, and a source of psychological resilience. Using <\/em><em>qualitative data, policy documents, visual evidence, and institutional records, the research highlights how universities <\/em><em>operate as agents of civil stability and ideological defence. The case of Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University, <\/em><em>offering teaching and learning in bomb shelters and maintaining academic continuity under fire, demonstrates how <\/em><em>education serves both strategic and symbolic functions in national survival. This investigation contributes to broader <\/em><em>discussions on the role of education in fragile states and suggests that in times of crisis, universities can actively reinforce <\/em><em>statehood, identity, and democratic values.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords: political resistance; state-building; Ukraine; universities; war.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<\/strong> 10.24193\/OJMNE.2026.50.06<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<hr \/>\n<p><strong>7. Dilina BESHIRI, PhD, Klodiana LEKA, PhD, Shqipe HAXHIHYSENI, PhD <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/7.-DB-OJMNE-APRILIE-2026-127-139.pdf\"><span style=\"color: #0000ff;\">IMPLEMENTING KEY COMPETENCES IN PRE-UNIVERSITY EDUCATION WITHIN<\/span><\/a><br \/>\n<a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/7.-DB-OJMNE-APRILIE-2026-127-139.pdf\"><span style=\"color: #0000ff;\">THE EUROPEAN FRAMEWORK: TEACHERS\u2019 PERCEPTIONS IN ALBANIA<\/span><\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\"><em> In the context of educational reforms in recent years, key competences have been placed at the center of the curriculum, requiring teachers to build a more comprehensive and interdisciplinary approach. Therefore, this study aims to explore teachers\u2019 attitudes towards key competences and to analyze how they include and implement them during the teaching process. The<br \/>\nstudy also examines the challenges that teachers face when planning and assessing key competences in combination with those of the subject. Aligned with European Union priorities (2018), key competences, which include critical thinking, digital skills, collaboration, and creativity, constitute an important aspect of educational reforms in recent years.The study is based on qualitative<br \/>\nanalysis of data collected through semi-structured interviews with 53 teachers in the pre-university system of the Durres region. The selection was based on an equal representation of age, teaching experience and relevant fields of study. A thematic analysis was used to reflect the relationship between themes and factors that influence the development of key competences (Braun &amp; Clarke,<br \/>\n2006). The interviews were recorded, and the transcripts were analyzed independently by two researchers. The findings show that most teachers try to integrate key competences into the teaching process, although challenges related to the lack of adequate resources and training continue to be present. While teachers emphasize the importance of developing these competences, the results<br \/>\nshow that these often take a back seat due to the prioritization of subject objectives<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords: Key competences; teaching process; subject objectives; teacher training; pre-university education.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<\/strong> 10.24193\/OJMNE.2026.50.07<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<hr \/>\n<p><strong>8. Andreea Elena CIOAT\u0102 <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/8.-AEC-OJMNE-APRILIE-2026-140-164.pdf\"><span style=\"color: #0000ff;\">TRUTH WITHOUT BORDERS: TACKLING ONLINE ELECTORAL DISINFORMATION THROUGH INDEPENDENT FACT-CHECKING INITIATIVES IN ROMANIA AND THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA<\/span><\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\"><em> Amid the growing threat of online disinformation challenging Eastern European democracies, fact-checking has become a crucial instrument for safeguarding electoral integrity and strengthening civic resilience. This article examines how independent fact-checking initiatives responded to online disinformation during the 2024 presidential elections in Romania and the Republic of Moldova. Using a comparative mixed-methods approach, the study analyzes 59 fact-checking articles and multimedia outputs produced by Factual.ro and StopFals.md, assessing how their verification and engagement strategies adapted to distinct political and digital media environments. The findings demonstrate that while both organizations played an important role in promoting electoral transparency and empowering citizens to critically assess misleading political information, their effectiveness was constrained by factors such as fragmented institutional and financial support, low media visibility, and limited access to advanced verification tools. By situating these cases within the wider European disinformation landscape, the article highlights both the potential and limitations of independent fact-checking initiatives in electoral contexts. Ultimately, it advocates for stronger crossborder coordination of fact-checking efforts, deeper integration within civic and digital literacy programs, and long-term political and financial support that would further consolidate their role as essential mediators of electoral integrity and democratic resilience in Eastern Europe.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords: independent fact-checking; online disinformation; elections; Romania; Republic of Moldova.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<\/strong> 10.24193\/OJMNE.2026.50.08<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<hr \/>\n<p><strong>9. Klementina KOZMA, PhD candidate <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/9.-KK-165-178.pdf\">WHO WINS ON THE BLACK SEA? REGIONAL POWER COMPETITION AND THE ROLE OF T\u00dcRK\u0130YE<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\"><em> The Black Sea region has emerged as a critical geopolitical hotspot, shaped by the intersection of great power competition, regional rivalries, and transnational security challenges. This paper examines T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;s evolving strategic role in the Black Sea, emphasizing its position as a key actor in the contest for influence among NATO, the European Union, and Russia.<br \/>\nT\u00fcrkiye\u2019s historical ties, geostrategic location, and military modernization have positioned it as both a regional stabilizer and a challenger to external influences. Drawing on the interplay between T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;s balancing diplomacy and its assertive foreign policy, the paper assesses how Ankara navigates its dual role as a NATO ally and a state with its own regional ambitions.<br \/>\nThrough an analysis of T\u00fcrkiye\u2019s maritime strategy, economic interests, and security policies, the research explores its pivotal contributions to the regional security architecture, including its leadership in initiatives such as the Montreux Convention and the Black Sea Harmony operations. Additionally, the study evaluates T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;s relationships with key Black Sea stakeholders, including Ukraine, Russia, and Romania, and highlights the implications of its actions for broader Euro-Atlantic security. The paper concludes by reflecting on whether T\u00fcrkiye&#8217;s current trajectory enhances its ability to shape outcomes in the Black Sea or risks undermining its strategic autonomy amid intensifying global tensions. The study is based on qualitative analysis of primary sources, policy documents, and expert interviews, offering insights into T\u00fcrkiye\u2019s potential to act as a regional powerbroker in a contested and rapidly transforming geopolitical landscape.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords: Black Sea Security; Geopolitical Competition; T\u00fcrkiye.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<\/strong> 10.24193\/OJMNE.2026.50.09<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<hr \/>\n<p><strong>10. Bashkim RRAHMANI, PhD, Donik SALLOVA, PhD <a href=\"http:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/10-BR-OJMNE-APRILIE-2026-179-195.pdf\"><span style=\"color: #0000ff;\">THE DIFFICULTIES IN PREDICTING THE FINAL RESULT OF THE EU-FACILITATED KOSOVO-SERBIA DIALOGUE. AN ANALYTICAL APPROACH<\/span><\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #000000;\"><div class=\"su-spoiler su-spoiler-style-default su-spoiler-icon-plus su-spoiler-closed\" data-scroll-offset=\"0\" data-anchor-in-url=\"no\"><div class=\"su-spoiler-title\" tabindex=\"0\" role=\"button\"><span class=\"su-spoiler-icon\"><\/span>Abstract<\/div><div class=\"su-spoiler-content su-u-clearfix su-u-trim\"><em> This paper aims to shed some new light on a long-standing dialogue whose outcome is difficult to foresee. This is because, since it started, it has been a dialogue without a time frame or a clear final goal. It was also a dialogue, followed by ambiguity about the facilitator\/mediator and the parties. Thus, the paper provides insight into the current state of the dialogue, built on a process that began more than a decade ago. Authors provide a description and analysis of the process&#8217;s principal components, highlighting shortcomings arising from either the parties&#8217; willingness to finalize a potential agreement or from weaknesses in EU facilitation and in the performance of its representatives as facilitators. For this paper, the authors used a combined methodology comprising comparative, legal, teleological, and descriptive analyses.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Keywords: dialogue; facilitation; mediation; EU; Kosovo; Serbia; agreement; Brussels; Ohrid.<\/strong><\/li>\n<li><strong>DOI:<\/strong> 10.24193\/OJMNE.2026.50.10<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div><\/div>\n<hr \/>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>1. Simant Shankar BHARTI, PhD THE EU&#8217;S ACTORNESS IN THE LIBERAL INTERNATIONAL ORDER (LIO): AN IMPLICATION FOR THE INDO-PACIFIC REGION 2. Filip TERESZKIEWICZ, PhD, Karolina CZABANOWSKA, PhD candidate SECURITY AND CROSS-BORDER COOPERATION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: A STUDY OF POLISH B-SOLUTION CASES 3. Tamara KOZAK, PhD, Oleg FYLYK, PhD, Oksana<a class=\"read-more\" href=\"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/?page_id=2658\"> ( more&#8230; )<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":6,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-2658","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/2658","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/6"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=2658"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/2658\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2669,"href":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/pages\/2658\/revisions\/2669"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/neweurope.centre.ubbcluj.ro\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=2658"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}