Abstract: The article examines speeches delivered by Volodymyr Zelenskyy and focuses on analysis of rhetorical strategies implemented by the current Ukrainian President in the aftermath of Russia’s full-scale military invasion of Ukraine. The authors drew attention to the usage of political correctness and political incor-rectness as tools of rhetorical argumentation identified in speeches of Ukrainian President. To illuminate this area, they made an attempt to assess the efficiency of Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s „going public” strategy in terms of the rhetoric efficiency in order to state and promote official position of Ukrainian authorities on the international arena.

• Keywords: Presidential rhetoric, political (in)correctness, political persuasion, leadership, Russia’s war on Ukraine
• DOI:10.24193/OJMNE.2023.42.01

Abstract: One of the determining factors in the current system of international relations remains the de facto inequality of nations. This problem is key to the origins of the Russia-Ukraine conflict and the world’s reaction to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022.The international system today contains many connections and mediations, some of which are regulated, and others are informal. One of the common types of relations among actors in international politics is asymmetric relations, which are often friendly or of partnership but, under certain conditions, can become confrontational.The current conflict between Ukraine and Russia demonstrates how asymmetric relations become conflictual. In the example of this conflict, we also see that asymmetric relations form a whole complex of relations, which includes international actors at different levels – the Western community, Russia, Ukraine, and separatist entities supported by Russia in Ukraine.This situation is quite typical of several modern international conflicts. Its general logic is reproduced in various hot spots of the world. We propose to consider this model of relations as an example of a special kind of asymmetry – replicant asymmetry – when the same conditions and conflicts arise simultaneously at several hierarchical levels of international relations. The crisis possibility of replicant asymmetry is based on several motivational factors. Under certain conditions, they push the potential conflict on the escalation way. An increase in voltage or a rupture of one of the chains of replicant asymmetry automatically provokes a crisis in all other chains.

• Keywords: asymmetry, conflict, world system, Russia-Ukraine war
• DOI:10.24193/OJMNE.2023.42.02

Abstract: Various studies have revealed a revival of the cooperation projects of Central and Eastern European countries. This reality has been materialised by the emergence of projects such as the Three Seas Initiative or the Bucharest Format. The thesis of the present research is that the main cohesive factor of the “inter-seas” states is the Russian aggression in Ukraine together with the aggressive policy undertaken by the Russian state. The investigative approach of the research followed the missions, goals, or media reports of the mentioned programs. The objective of the investigation is to capture the link between Russian aggression in Ukraine and the stimulation of regional cooperation. As will be revealed throughout the paper, the subject is gaining an increasing attention. In this aspect the significance of the research grows. Various hypotheses have appeared regarding the emergence and purposes of TSI or B9. The present research attempts to clarify the main reason for the collaboration of the mentioned states. It captures an important dimension of the projects by confirming a major general reason for their existence. The results of the present investigation reveal that Russian aggression in Ukraine and the aggressive nature of the Russian Federation’s foreign policy have been a real leitmotiv in the formation and development of joint projects in the Intermarium area. Both TSI and B9 emerged from the desire of the Balto-Pontic Isthmus states to ensure the security and resilience of the Eastern flank of the Western World.

• Keywords: The Intermarium Region, Bucharest Nine, Three Seas, Russo-Ukrainian War
• DOI:10.24193/OJMNE.2023.42.03

Abstract: Towards the end of the Second World War, political life was beginning to reorganize itself and seek the path to democracy. But the new path led the country towards a new type of “democracy”, a new totalitarian regime, which, like any new regime, will rewrite history, being prepared even to redefine terms, an example of this being the term “democracy”. This article aims to capture Romania’s transition from the expectations of a democratic regime, to the establishment of an extreme left “democracy”, with an emphasis on the way in which the term “democracy” was used in the communist discourse in the press of the time. We will use samples from the most important publications of the time, including the press of the opposition parties, to
capture the differences between the definitions given to the same term.”Democratization” according to the communist dioptres was possible in an internal context unfavorable to a communist regime, due to the fact that, on the way to power, the fragile Romanian Communist Party would be supported externally by Moscow, while internally it led a constant effort to legitimation, being always willing to assume events, redefine terms or rewrite history.Because the success of any regime lies mainly in political practice, in the way this system imposed itself on the whole society, we will insist on the event of August 23, 1944, which, initially, meant the return of Romania to the interwar status, with the exception of the legislative institution. But subsequent events will shape Romania’s future contrary to expectations.

• Keywords: Romania, communism, democracy, dictatorship, press
• DOI:10.24193/OJMNE.2023.42.04

Abstract: This article addresses the issue of Euroscepticism in Croatia after its 2013 EU accession. It starts with a theoretical section that explores the phenomenon of
Euroscepticism and particularly examines the insufficient agreement between elites and citizens on the issue of European integration. The central section starts with the analysis of the general lack of support for the EU integration in the form of regime and exit scepticism in the opinion polls. Subsequently, the general party-based Euroscepticism is analysed primarily through the lens of the 2019 European Parliament election campaign in Croatia  which emphasized profound divisions between its mainstream and populist parties. Separate section
of the article is dedicated to the analysis of elite and public Euroscepticism towards specific EU  policies: Eurozone membership, enlargement policy, common security and defence policy as well as the rule of law. The analysis of the public opinion in all sections of the article relies mostly on standard Eurobarometer reports and compares the results for Croatia with the EU average. The article shows that after Croatia’s EU accession, public sentiment about the EU has not significantly changed, with opinion polls still showing a high degree of Euroscepticism on
selected topics. Simultaneously, there is an increase of party-based Euroscepticism.

• Keywords: European integration, Euroscepticism, public opinion, political parties, populism
• DOI:10.24193/OJMNE.2023.42.05

Abstract: This paper assesses how Cyprus’ economy coped with the Covid-19 pandemic by generating two series of forecasts with wavelet analysis: forecasts using data including the pandemic (from Q4 1997 to Q2 2022) and not including the pandemic (from Q4 1997 to Q3 2019). The difference of their averages is an indicator of the resilience of the economy during the pandemic, the greater the difference, the more resilient the economy. Eurozone and Germany are used as benchmarks: subtracting the Q3 2022 to Q4 2050 GDP growth rate (quarterly and annualized) average forecast of Cyprus obtained with the Q4 1997-Q2 2022 data, +1.62%, by the one obtained with the Q4 1997-Q3 2019 data, +1.47%, the difference is +0.15% whereas with Eurozone the difference is +0.11%, [+0.68% – (+0.57%)] and with Germany the difference is -0.12% [+0.89% – (+1.01%)]. Thus, Cyprus’ economy shows a slightly higher resilience (+0.15%) than the Eurozone’s (+0.11%) based on Q3 2022-Q4 2050 forecasts and a stronger resilience than Germany’s (-0.12%). Moreover, the average of the Q3 2022-Q4 2050 quarterly (annualized) growth rate forecasts of Cyprus is expected to be +1.62% with the Q4 1997-Q2 2022 data whereas it is expected to be only +0.68% for the Eurozone and +0.89%
for Germany. Cyprus’ economy shows better prospects than the Eurozone’s and Germany’s economies.

• Keywords: GDP; Wavelet Analysis; Forecasting; Cyprus; Eurozone; Germany.
• DOI: 10.24193/OJMNE.2023.42.06

Abstract: The article proposes possible ways of conceptualizing the Schengen project, one of European integration’s most essential and less-defined achievements. Although Schengen
Agreement is nearly forty years old and profoundly influences the fundamental features of modern states, their authority, territoriality and identity, it still needs to be better understood
as a phenomenon of integration. Considering both the definitional indeterminacy of the Schengen project and a deficit of in-depth analysis of this part of European integration, described
mainly as an area, system or regime, the article proposes a reference to European integration theories. Based on these theories, three primary levels of theorizing at which Schengen
can be conceptualized are presented: a particular example of European integration, a model of European territoriality and a project of border management in Europe. Each approach has its
theoretical framework and assumptions, uses a different conceptual apparatus and formulates additional research questions.

• Keywords: Schengen, borders, European Union, theories of European integration
• DOI:10.24193/OJMNE.2023.42.07

Abstract:

The goal of this article is to assess the effectiveness of deliberative democratic mechanisms in the practice of international organization, with the Conference on the Future of Europe serving as the main object of the study. The analysis is focused on a comparison of the usefulness of two concepts (deliberative democracy and deliberative supranationalism) to the analysis of the EU political decision–making. On the basis of both approaches four hypotheses are formulated and initially verified. The dependent variables of the hypotheses are confronted with the essential features of the course and follow–up of the Conference in the first year after its conclusion. The most important results of the study include four findings. Firstly, the structure of the Conference did not fully correspond to the assumptions of the concept of deliberative democracy, while – secondly – the substantial quality of the Conference’s proposals was low. Thirdly, one year after the conclusion of the Conference, no interinstitutional debate on the implementation of its proposals has started. Fourthly, there is no inter-state discussion on the results of the Conference, no Convention is planned, and support for introducing treaty changes is low. So far, the only measurable results of the Conference are minor non–treaty reforms proposed by the Commission. Therefore, the introduction of the principles of deliberative democracy at the EU level proved to be an ineffective step. If the activity of the Union is considered in deliberative terms, then the concept of deliberative supranationalism is more useful here. After the Conference, the EU turned out still to be an international organization in which major decisions on reforms are taken by the governments of the member states.

• Keywords: Deliberative democracy, deliberative supranationalism, EU future, EU institutions, EU member states
• DOI:10.24193/OJMNE.2023.42.08